De
Valera and Britain's War Plans
by Charlie Donnelly (Irish Republican Army), International Press Correspondence,
8 June 1935
On May 30 Mr J H Thomas, eulogising the unity of the Empire in preparation
for war, boasted how from 'even the Free State' came no discordant note.
At a conference on Imperial Defence (held on May 23, the day following the
announcement in the House of Commons of the trebling of the British Air Force),
the Free State representative got up and said:
'We
endorse the British policy. We want to proclaim to the world
that, if they assume because of internal differences at the moment,
they can use the Free State as a gate to attack England, then
we, regardless of our political differences, hereby proclaim
that they are deceived.'
On the day
following this declaration the political correspondent of the Daily
Herald reported that the British government was engaged
in informal conversations designed for the improvement of trade
relations between the two countries.
Anxiety for a settlement with the Free State is strong in the British press.
The Herald in a leading article supports the rapprochement, declaring
that:
'Mr
De Valera has removed one of the main obstacles to a fundamental
understanding by his unequivocal declaration that no Free State
government would allow Ireland to be used as a base for hostile
operations against Britain in the event of war.'
The Daily
Express, of whose friendship Irishmen have hitherto been
curiously unaware, proclaims its editorial desire 'to bury
for ever all feuds with Ireland, ancient and modern.'
There could not be a greater mistake, however, than to imagine that this
sudden desire to end the Economic War means the slightest change toward the
one definite and unchanging demand of the Irish people – the demand
for national independence.
The real meaning of the 'settlement' talk is exposed by the reactionary Express,
which naively writes:
'Wherever
such deep divisions exist within the Empire the business of good
citizens is to remove them, and build instead the common front.
Every day that the world moves along its present course the need
for Empire unity increases.'
The desire
to settle the Economic War is dictated by the approach of international
war and the necessity of securing Ireland as a war base. There
is no change in the British attitude, no mention of a concession
to Republican feeling – today, as from the beginning of
the Economic War, 'there can be no settlement of the Irish question'
except on the basis of Commonwealth acceptance and Irish alignment
with imperialist war plans.
The meaning of the settlement talk is simply that
the near approach of war makes it necessary for imperialism
successfully to conclude its attempt to break Republican
resistance and secure Ireland as a war base and that
the statements of the Free State Government shows that,
as far as it is concerned, the economic collapse of the
Free State under its policy has made the time ripe for
an imperialist victory.
On both sides of the Channel the way is being skilfully prepared for a surrender
of the Free State to imperialist war plans. It is appropriate that the Labour
Party Daily Herald, foremost propagandist of the Hitler alliance,
should here also be the most active spreader of confusion in the interests
of the British warlords.
The issue, according to the Herald, is simply Irish neutrality in
the event of war.
The guarantee that, an Irish Republic once allowed, "the Irish people
would use all their resources to see that no attack should come to Britain
across Irish territory" has been repeatedly offered to the British Government
by Mr De Valera – and repeatedly and completely ignored. The
guarantee in question now is not a guarantee of Irish neutrality in war – it
is a proposal for an offensive and defensive alliance with Britain.
There can be no question of Irish neutrality while part of Ireland is garrisoned
by British troops. And while the strategic positions of the Free State coast
are in British hands. Only an independent Republic could have neutrality.
The whole policy of British imperialism has been directed to preventing Ireland
securing the right to neutrality in a war in which Britain is engaged.
Irish Republicans support the statement of De Valera that a free Ireland
would not allow its territory to be used for an attack on Britain. They are
no more friendly to the war plans of any other imperialist power than they
are to those of Britain. But there can be no question of neutrality until
Ireland is free. Any settlement made with Britain on the present political
basis, involving, as it would, the identification of the Free State with
British war interests, will be repudiated and fought not only by the Republican
movement, but by everybody who wishes Ireland to escape the horror of participation
in an imperialist war in which she has no interest.
This fact is well realised by the Free State Government and is the explanation
of the vigorous sideshow display of abolishing the Governor-Generalship,
and the more significant proposal for a new Constitution for the Free State.
Whoever may be deceived as to the importance of Mr De Valera's "dramatic
announcement", the British Government is certainly not. Mr Thomas,
usually so sensitive to Free State "encroachments" on the rights
of the Crown in Ireland, has not been provoked into so much as a mention
of the Free State Government' on the office of the Governor-General. Mr De
Valera's dire threat that next year it may not be necessary for the Free
State to expend money upon the upkeep of a representative of the Crown leaves
the Dominions Minister quite undisturbed.
The complete absence of any protest from the British side at the proposal
to abolish the Governor-Generalship is a measure of how far a real surrender
to imperialism has already gone. A year ago Mr De Valera's speech would have
met with a strong reply from the British Government. It does not do so today
because it serves as an effective smoke screen in the Free State for the
negotiations being carried on in London - for the present through the useful Mr
Dulanty. For Britain a victory in the Economic War would be well purchased
at the price of a diplomatic formality.
The talk of a 'new Constitution' is more significant. Details of this Charter
of Irish Liberties (within the Empire) the Free State Government does not
condescend to give; but, from what has been said, the functions are sufficiently
plain: firstly, to stall the issue of the Republic and by paper measures
of increased national freedom, to attempt to provide a popular basis for
suppression of revolutionary forces; and, secondly. To provide a more effective
machinery of repression.
We are treated to the familiar and ominous talk of order. The Irish revolutionary
movement has had bitter experience in the past of the terrorism for which
they cry 'Order must be maintained' has been the signal.
The agenda of the Free State Government today has its main aims; Capitulation
in the Economic War, surrender to the war aims of British imperialism, and
increased repression of the revolutionary advance.
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